luni, 9 octombrie 2017
MOLDOVA IN THE CONTEXT OF EU’S EASTERN NEIGHBORHOOD: THE PROBLEM OF THE REGIONAL SECURITY ARCHITECTURE
Abstract: In the new conditions of security environment in Eastern European region, it is necessary to give suitable answers to all threats. It is appropriate to integrate the security approaches from the three countries of Eastern Partnership program of the European Union Neighborhood Policy (
into the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). This step requires deep
reforms into the security sectors of the named countries. It would be welcome
to elaborate a common Security
Strategy for those three countries, which are on the path of the
European integration. From this regard, for the Moldovan state it is
appropriate to sign an Agreement on Security, as there are signed agreements of
political (Association Agreement) and economic (Deep and Comprehensive Free
Trade Agreement) cooperation between Moldova and the EU. Georgia
It is necessary to establish a regional security architecture – for
(the space of Eastern Partnership Program countries) – as a part of the
European continent's security architecture.
The role of the
Republic of Moldova into the regional security is small ( is
still a consumer, not a provider of security), but yet its participation in
this process would be useful both for its national security, as well as for the
European continent regional security – for the important players. Moldova
Keywords: Regional Security Architecture; Eastern Neighborhood; Eastern Europe; European Union;
. Republic of Moldova
Among the causes of a bad state, at this time, of the national security of the
can be mentioned: Republic of Moldova
1. Several vulnerabilities, mainly such as corruption, embezzlement on a large scale in the state administration at all levels and in other different state institutions, captured state institutions (because of this: inefficient) and other;
2. The lack of strategic vision, which does not permit to elaborate a state mission, a policy of a state building, a strategy of the state development, a tactics and a plan of actions regarding all domains, including the sphere of security (one of the main security issue is the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict; the Moldovan authorities do not have yet a settlement plan);
3. A bad connection of Moldovan politicians in power (security policymakers) with scientific researchers in Security Studies – who can provide contemporary approaches and durable solutions for the main security issues. Recently the governing Pro-European Alliance of Republic of the
elaborated and presented to the public a new Security Strategy, which waits to
be voted by the Parliament. The contribution of the specialists from civil
society in the process of elaborating the document could be much greater if the
Moldovan authorities would be interested in collaboration; Moldova
4. The geopolitical dispute and confrontation between
and West ( USA, EU) on the
region of the Eastern Europe – the post Soviet
wants to keep its sphere of influence,
the so-called Near Abroad (Ближнее
зарубежье) – as an area of its strategic interests; Russia
5. The unsolved frozen Transnistrian conflict, maintained by the support of Kremlin given to the separatist regime from
6. The proximity of the conflict from Eastern Ukraine (unrecognized Lugansk and
“people’s republics”): the danger of implementation of the so-called Novorossia
project – of junction between Transnistria and areas; Donetsk
7. EU’s sanctions against Russia (imposed from 2014) and Russia’s counter sanctions imposed to EU goods (after signing the Association Agreement, Moldova also received restrictions for the export of its goods on Russian market);
8. The international and regional economic crisis (within the EU and outside).
Any state has to prove its capability to self-governance (Kissinger, 2015, p. 339, quoted the expression of US President Wilson) – which means its capability to be a state. The contemporary period of globalization is a time of a strong competition between countries; the governance of any recognized international actor has to demonstrate its capacity to maintain, to develop, to build a state. In the current time still there are countries which are qualified as: failed state, captive state (by internal oligarchy group/s), state adrift, ballast state, pseudo-state, vagabond state, bandit-state and others. Being the poorest country on the European continent (because of the corruption; of the embezzlement on a large scale in the state administration at all levels and in other different state institutions; of the captured – because of this: inefficient – state institutions), the Republic of Moldova still has to prove its capability to be a viable, genuine, respected state. From this regard, Kissinger wrote: “And at the end of the Cold War, in various regions of the world we have seen the phenomenon of «failed states», the «ungoverned spaces» or states that do not deserve this name, because they do not have a central authority and no monopoly on the use of force”. The countries with territorial conflict, with central authorities which do not control some parts of the state territory, also face this problem.
There is no doubt that all – and especially small – countries depend on the confusion from world order, in the new – after the post Cold War period of time. Today we can see attempts in order to reconfigure the geopolitical spaces. The
is not a subject, but an object of these processes. Republic of Moldova
Although the Chisinau authorities have disappointed the European partners (the EU authorities from
and the chancelleries of the capitals of main EU countries, first of all – Berlin) in terms of the image of as a
“success story”, the state of the country depends not only on internal
situation, but on external factors too. The atmosphere of geopolitical
instability, caused by the Russian annexation of Ukrainian Crimea peninsula and
by the military conflict in Eastern Ukraine (in Lugansk and Donetsk regions,
where the separatist forces are supported by Kremlin), influences the situation
in the Republic of Moldova, where since 1992 there is a frozen conflict in its
Eastern region – on both banks of the Dniester River. Moldova
In this context, trying to reform the Moldovan state and to adapt it to the European values and standards, the authorities from Chisinau should take all the necessary measures in order to contribute to the negotiation and establishment of the regional security architecture – an agreement between the important geopolitical actors, with respect to the interests of Moldova and of all countries from the Eastern Partnership Program area. The guarantors in 5+2 format of negotiations on Transnistrian conflict settlement – OSCE,
and the EU – should be involved into such a process. Although it is not a part
of the 5+2 format, the UN also has to be part of the future agreement, which
should be approved by the Security Council and by the General Assembly. USA
The geopolitical regional and international crisis
The security environment in the region of the
Eastern Europe is characterized by a geopolitical crisis. The Eastern
neighborhood of the EU, especially the territories of Moldova, Georgia
and Ukraine is a ground of a
confrontation between two international polls of power: Moscow
and Washington ( – as the headquarters of NATO).
According to Simileanu, regardless the adopted definition (there are many), a geopolitical crisis includes and is
expressed by: Brussels
1. Break with a certain status quo and deteriorating state of balance [balance of powers];
2. Perception of the crisis by the actors as a set of simultaneously or successively threats, dangers and risks;
3. The relative and never absolute character of the crisis;
4. Addressing strategic, respectively geopolitical management;
5. Need of important decisions to stop its development and extending consequences;
6. Frequent possibilities of military confrontations [hostilities].
In terms of security problems and challenges, the new regional context of the Eastern Europe and the new international context relive two main threats for the
which both come from non-state actors: Republic of Moldova
1. The hostilities in the Eastern Ukraine (2014 – now) show that the project Novorossia – which, according to Feodorov, means the junction between the separatist regions of Lugansk and Donetsk (so-called Donbas) from Ukraine, with the Transnistrian separatist region from Moldova – still can be implemented, with the Russia’s military support for separatist regimes.
2. The second threat comes from the Middle East, where “the Islamic State” (
generates a lot of instability. Moldova
was included into “the Islamic State”, on the map published by the terrorist
organization, because in the past, in medieval period, Moldova was under the Ottoman
Empire’s domination. The Islamic terrorist organization is a
danger for the national security of the ,
as the jihadists want to “re-conquer” the Moldovan territory. Republic of Moldova
The confrontations in two theaters of military operations –
and Syria – are not only
between local warring parties, but also between two important geopolitical
opponents – Russia and the . The
situation in USA Syria can
influence the evolution of the crisis in and vice versa. The Ukraine Russian Federation is present in both conflicts
– in Ukraine and in – because
Kremlin seeks to achieve several objectives. The behavior of the Syria Russian Federation on international and regional
– Eastern Europe and extended Middle East
regions – shows that:
1. Despite the fact that Russia was involved into the Syrian crisis, it did not give up to support the separatist Lugansk and Donetsk „people’s republics”, following freezing the conflict in Eastern Ukraine according to the Transnistrian scenario, which means that the Kremlin uses in Eastern Ukraine the “Transnistrian” strategy.
2. By the involvement of
Russia in the war in Syria,
Russia has shown that it can
involve any time in the conflicts from Near Abroad ( Moldova,
Nagorno-Karabakh), in order to defend its zone of interests – its sphere
of influence – the post Soviet space.
3. The instability from Eastern Ukraine negatively affects the situation in the Republic of Moldova (the paramilitary regimes of separatist regions of Ukraine – Lugansk and Donetsk – are a threat for the national security of the Moldovan state, as well as the regime from the Transnistrian separatist region is a threat for the national security of
Ukraine, with respect to the region). Odessa
There are experts who state that between key geopolitical players there is now a hybrid war. In the Feodorov’s view, hybrid war is "A complex of measures, which blends in itself military actions in their traditional understanding with non-military methods of destabilization, destruction and liquidation of the enemy, including the exercise of economic pressure, incitement to political and social conflicts, implementing of subversive activities and of propaganda mass campaigns, known as «psychological warfare» or «informational war»". According to Joseph S. Nye, Jr. hybrid wars are “an amalgam of conventional weapons, irregular tactics, terrorism and criminal behavior in the area of ongoing conflict”. Countries as
Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine
are victims of a hybrid war waged by . In comparison with the war
in Moldova (1992) and in Georgia (2008), where the Russian Federation used its
regular army, in the conflict in Donbas – Ukraine (2014 - present) Kremlin does
not recognize its military implication within hostilities in the theater of the
military actions (delivering of military personnel, techniques and munitions). Russia
The recent (in September 30, 2015) involvement of the aerospace forces of the
crisis shows a few elements: Syria
1. Kremlin tries to enlarge its sphere of influence over the Near Abroad (first time after the collapse of the Soviet Union), namely in extended
2. Kremlin has modern military means to intervene anywhere in case of any destabilization, first of all in the Near Abroad region, especially in three countries which are on the path of European integration:
by supporting the pro-Russian radical opposition. Ukraine
3. In the last period of time president Vladimir Putin does a lot in order to be perceived as a great leader by the leaders of the Western countries, in the context of a great support by the public opinion within
Transnistrian scenario used by
in Eastern Europe. crisis
Some experts and some Media spoke about the Transnistrian scenario, applied by
in Ukraine, during the
(2015) between the representatives of Ukrainian authorities and separatists.
The so-called ”Transnistrisation” of a conflict, namely in Lugansk and Donetsk
regions of Ukraine, which now are beyond the control of the Kiev central
authorities, means its freezing, as the conflict in Transnistrian region was
frozen in 1992, after five months of hostilities (March 2 – July 21) between
Moldovan Police (later: Moldovan new created National Army) and separatist
paramilitary from Nistrian region (from both banks of the Dniester River). The Minsk
supported logistically and military the NMR, preserving illegally the former 14
Soviet Army in Transnistria. The “Transnistrian” scenario was applied for the
first time in Eastern Moldova in 1990-1992, by the creation of an unrecognized
so-called “ Russian Federation ”
(NMR). Now Nistrian
Moldovan Republic Russia supports
financial, military, logistically and so on the consolidation of the
unrecognized so-called “people’s republic” of Lugansk and Donetsk
from . Ukraine
The Transnistrian conflict started with the occupation, by paramilitary, of the Moldovan state institutions in the Transnistrian zone and by creating institutions of so-called NMR (proclaimed on September 2, 1990), outside the control of central Moldovan authorities. The aim of using that scenario in 1990-1992 has been to keep
Moldova in “Sovereign States Union” (the new
name of the USSR) – Corneliu
Filip quoted president Snegur – into the ’s sphere of
At that time the Moldovan political leaders express clearly against the
remaining into USSR and against the accession of Moldova into the Community of
Independent States (CIS).Today, as it was in 1991, the aim of Russia is to keep
all the former Soviet republics within its sphere
of influence, do not allow them to integrate into other geopolitical
spaces. On December 21, 1991, still Moldovan president Mircea Snegur, in order
to avoid the conflict in Transnistria, signed the Alma-Ata Protocol, which made
public purposes and principles of CIS. But this has not helped to avoid the
conflict. Still, by the scenario applied in Russian Federation Transnistria,
Moldova was held in 's sphere
of influence. Russia
A set of elements show that the “Transnistrian scenario” from 1992 was implemented in the
conflict (from 2014 – till now):
1. Capture of state institutions;
2. Using of paramilitary troops;
3. A great financial, human (by volunteers, retired military or active military “on vacation”), logistic, military support from
stake, keeping conflicts in Eastern Ukraine and in Eastern
1. To keep its sphere of influence – the geopolitical space dominated by Kremlin: the Near Abroad – the former
2. To block the European integration – the accession into the European Union and, regarding Georgia and Ukraine, the accession into NATO (countries with unresolved territorial conflicts can not accede into those two organizations);
3. Donbas and Transnistria are, for
Russia, bridgeheads to the NATO countries from
Southern Europe: Romania, Bulgaria, Greece
and Turkey and to Western
Balkan’s countries such as Serbia,
Macedonia, Montenegro, and
Kosovo. Bosnia and Herzegovina
There are a few common features of the Russian involvement into the conflicts in the
Republic of Moldova
by hard power (by forcing them) and
by soft power (by influencing them
without military force): Ukraine
1. Both conflicts were held in the Eastern parts of
Moldova and . In
Alex Berca’s opinion, this was caused by the industrial strategic importance
of those regions.
The strategic importance of those areas is given by the existing industrial
complexes there, and proximity to sources of energy and raw materials from Ukraine . Russia
2. Both conflict regions were populated with Russian workers in Soviet time, under the pretext that
Moldova and didn’t have enough skilled
workers. Subsequently, natives’ families in those industrial areas were Russified,
because of a lack of kindergartens and schools with teaching in national
language (Moldovan, Ukrainian). Ukraine
3. The influence of Russia manifested itself in both states (Moldova and Ukraine), the difference is that within the war in Transnistria (Moldova) the troops of the Russian army were involved openly (in Moldova still there are officially Russian troops as: peacekeepers  and a Task Force ), while in Donbas (Ukraine) there is no acknowledgment, from Russia, of its military participation, in the war against the Ukrainian army. However, it is known that Russian citizens (volunteers, retired military or active military “on vacation”) fight in Lugansk and
regions for the
self-proclaimed “people’s” republics. Donetsk
has managed to halt Moldova
on its European path in 1992, by the scenario applied at the banks of . The Transnistrian conflict, even
frozen, is an obstacle to the European integration of Dniester River until
today. Now Moldova Russia is acting
in order to prevent ’s
advance on the European path, using “Transnistrian” strategy. Ukraine
uses propaganda against the Chisinau and
authorities. The informational war is
a component of the hybrid war between
and some states from its Near Abroad. Russia
The importance of an agreement on the security domain within the EU – RM relations
After signing, on June 27, 2014, the Association Agreement (AA) between the European Union and the
, a new era in
bilateral relations began. In
the new conditions, the Moldovan state preceded to reforms in the Justice
System, in the system of public administration, police, in economic field etc.
Within the AA, the regulations on security domain are just a few (on air space, illegal migration,
illegal traffic at border and others). The ultimate aim of the ENP, including
of the AA with Moldova, is to create a free trade area and economic integration
of the partner’s countries with the EU ("a stake in the EU market"),
but without the perspective of political integration (joining the EU is still
not taken into account; to be associated to Europe ≠ to join the European
In these conditions, after the implementation of the association agenda by the partner countries –
– it would be welcome to return to security issues. From this regard, it would
be useful to elaborate a common
Security Strategy for the three Eastern partners of EU. More
specifically, for each of these states it would be appropriate to negotiate and
to sign an Agreement on Security field, as now there are signed agreements of
cooperation in the Political field – Association Agreement, and in Economic
filed – Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement, which is a part of the
Association Agreement. Georgia
This would help in the process of establishing the regional security architecture – for the
Europe region (the space of Eastern Partnership Program countries)
– as a part of the European continent's security.
The role of the Republic of Moldova into the establishment of the regional security agenda is small (Moldova is still a consumer, not a provider of security, inter alia because of the Transnistrian conflict, which requires the presence of an OSCE mission), but still its participation in this process would be useful for the common goals of establishing a regional security architecture and would be helpful in reaching a viable successful formula. It is important for a country like
express its interests in such a process and to be helped to solve its security
problems. The Moldovan solved security problems (first of all, the settled
Transnistrian conflict, within an international format and with guarantees of
the big geopolitical actors) will contribute to the European continent regional
security architecture. Moldova
By associating to the EU, countries like the
Republic of Moldova
should receive more support from
in all domains, inclusive in the security sphere. The new associated countries
can not implement the economic integration (about the political integration yet
we can not speak) without the assurance of security, without of a greater
involvement of the EU into their security problems. Brussels
In the current geopolitical context it is necessary to design a regional security architecture for the
Europe. A good formula would be a system of collective security.
As one of the countries of the region, the
must play its role in this process. First of all, Chisinau must solve its
internal problems, must reduce all vulnerabilities (such as corruption, embezzlement on a large scale in the state administration at all
levels, captured state institutions
and other). Then, being a strong democracy,
respecting human rights and having a
functional free market economy, the
Moldovan state should become a provider, not only a consumer of security. Republic of Moldova
Without a regional security system, adopted by the main international geopolitical players, with the participation of the small countries like
Moldova, the Eastern Europe
region will remain an unstable space. The format of the regional security
system will be determined within the negotiations between important
geopolitical actors: Washington, Brussels and .
Still, it is important that the vision of small countries like the Moscow to be taken into account. The
stake of a formula of assurance of regional security of the Eastern Europe, by
the support of the Republic of Moldova USA and the
EU, is to avoid the capture of the East European countries, by ,
into its sphere of influence. Russian Federation
At the moment, the
of Moldova, Ukraine
have common threats for the national security of each of them. That is why it
would be appropriate for them to provide common answers to common threats. One
approach would be the elaboration of a common security strategy for those three
countries of Eastern Europe – a region which is a ground of a geopolitical
confrontation between big geopolitical actors: Georgia Russia
and West (Washington and ).
Situated at the border of two civilizations – Western and Eurasian – Brussels Moldova and can play a special role in
terms of designing the architecture of the regional security. The mission of
the two countries will determine a common vision on security architecture, a
common strategy and common actions in this regard. Ukraine
In the new security environment in the Eastern European region, it is necessary to give suitable answers to all threats and to eliminate all the risks. As the three countries (
Ukraine and ) from
Eastern Partnership Program of European Neighborhood Policy face similar
security problems, it would be appropriate to integrate the security approaches
from the named three countries, associated to EU, into the European Security
and Defense Policy (ESDP) of EU. This step requires deep reforms into the
security sectors of Georgia Moldova,
Ukraine and . Georgia
Thus, as in the new international and regional conditions the security threats are almost the same for
Ukraine and , it
could be appropriate: Georgia
1. To elaborate a common Security Strategy;
2. To integrate the security approaches from the named three countries into ESDP.
3. To sign an Agreement on Security, as there are signed agreements in political and economic fields.
It is necessary to establish regional security architecture – for the
(the space of Eastern Partnership Program countries) – as a part of the
European continent's security, which should be designed into ESDP. The Italian
initiative, expressed at the Bratislava informal EU summit (September 16,
2016), on defense cooperation, of creating a coalition of member countries
willing to establish a joint permanent
military force, shows that the importance of the EU as a regional actor and
the importance of ESDP as its instrument will grow. The decision is not taken
yet. The European elites will debate over how far EU countries should assure
more effectively its security. But the
must be ready to take advantage from these evolutions. Republic of Moldova
Being situated in the same Eastern European region, the
Republic of Moldova and have common goals and
common challenges to their national security. The efforts of the two
neighboring friendly states are directed towards the exit from the space of Near Abroad – the Ukraine 's sphere of influence – and towards the
integration within the space of the European civilization (European Union). In
order to achieve this strategic goal, Chisinau and Russia could use common approaches and take
common actions, respecting national interests of each sovereign country. Kiev
1. Berca, Alex, Ucraina. Un punct de vedere geopolitic [Ukraine. A geopolitical point of view], Editura Top Form, București, 2014.
2. Feodorov, Yury, Hybrid war a là Russe – Гибридная война по-русски. Biznespoligraf,
3. Filip, Corneliu, Dosarul transnistrean. Istoria unui «conflict înghețat» [Transnistrian folder. History of a "frozen conflict»], Editura Institutului de Științe Politice și Relații Internaționale, București, 2011.
4. Ghica, Luciana Alexandra; Zulean, Marian, Politica de securitate națională. Concepte, instituții, procese [National Security Policy. Concepts, institutions and processes], Editura Polirom, Iași, 2010.
5. Kissinger, Henry, Ordinea mondială [World Order], Editura Rao, București, 2015.
6. Nye, Jr. Joseph S., Viitorul puterii [The Future of Power], Editura Polirom, Iași, 2012.
7. Simileanu, Vasile, Conflicte asimetrice [Asymmetric Conflicts], Editura Top Form, București, 2011.
8. Snegur, Mircea, Labirintul destinului, Memorii, Volumul 2 [Labyrinth of destiny, Memories, Volume 2], Chișinău, 2008.
9. Snegur, Mircea; Volkov, Eduard, Otkrovennyye dialogi [Sincere dialogues], Chișinău, 2008.
10. Străuțiu, Eugen; Tabără, Vasile, A comparative analysis of the development of the two banks of the
Implemented policies, desirable policies, Techno Media, , 2015. Sibiu
Article published in Studia Securitatis, nr. 1/2017, P. 32-43, Sibiu, Romania.
 Henry Kissinger, Ordinea mondială, Editura Rao, București, 2015, p. 296; Vasile Simileanu, Conflicte asimetrice, Editura Top Form, București, 2011, p. 78.
 Vasile Simileanu, Conflicte asimetrice, Editura Top Form, București, 2011, 79.
 Ibidem, p. 109.
 Ibidem, p. 78.
 Luciana Alexandra Ghica, Marian Zulean, Politica de securitate națională. Concepte, instituții, Editura Polirom, Iași, 2010, p. 150.
 Henry Kissinger, Op. cit., p. 296.
 Ibidem, pp. 299-301.
 Vasile Simileanu, Op. cit., 2011, p. 211.
 Yury Feodorov, Hybrid war a là Russe – Гибридная война по-русски, Biznespoligraf, Kiev, 2016, pp. 46-48.
 Ibidem, p. 8.
 Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Viitorul puterii, Editura Polirom, Iași, 2012, p. 51.
 Corneliu Filip, Dosarul transnistrean. Istoria unui «conflict înghețat», Editura Institutului de Științe Politice și Relații Internaționale, București, 2011, p. 155.
 Alex Berca, Ucraina. Un punct de vedere geopolitic, Editura Top Form, București, 2014, p. 72.
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